Esteemed member Heather K Peake
To my mind, Kershaw's experiences are an excellent illustration
of the difficulties faced by Confederate forces on July 2. When we get
into arguments about sunrise attacks and who-said-what-
when-to-whom-at-what-spot, I always need to remind myself that
indecisiveness at the top -- no matter whose fault it was -- had a very
real, frequently tragic, impact on men in the field.
For biographical info on Kershaw, Larry provided a really nice
post this weekend (thus saving me some typing!).
Joseph Kershaw carried a sterling reputation with him into
Pennsylvania. Forty-one, handsome, commanding, his division commander
Layfayette McLaws described him as "a very cool, judicious and gallant
gentleman." His brigade was composed of the 2nd, 3rd, 7th, 8th and 15th
South Carolina Infantry and the 3rd South Carolina Battalion ---
approx. 1,800 veteran men.
JULY 1, 1863
Kershaw's Brigade, as part of McLaws Division in Longstreet's
First Corps, had enjoyed a quiet invasion. On the night of June 30,
1863, the bulk of Longstreet's First Corps was bivouacked at Greenwood,
Pennsylvania, about 15 miles northeast of Gettysburg on the Chambersburg
Pike. Shortly after they arrived, word came to have the men prepare
three days worth of rations as early as possible the next day. This was
the first sign something big could be coming.
At 10:00 am on July 1, Longstreet ordered his corps to head for
Gettysburg. McLaws Division was in front, and Kershaw's brigade the
first in the column, so Kershaw's men were lined up early. They were
supposed to follow Johnson's Brigade, but Johnson's column was promptly
followed by Ewell's Corps wagon trains. With the battle at Gettysburg
not yet in full pitch, there was little urgency in getting fresh
infantry up, so McLaws was ordered to wait until Ewell's train passed,
wait an hour, then commence. The train turned out to be 14 miles long,
meaning the first wagons reached the burg while the last trains were
filing past Kershaw. It was 4 pm before Kershaw led off down the road.
Despite good roads and the relative cool of evening, it took 8
hours to
cover the 12 miles to GB. At 10:00 pm, Longstreet rode back and filled
McLaws in on events of the day, then personally led his troops to their
bivouac on Marsh Creek, just off the Cahmbersburg Pike. Exhausted by a
long day of waiting and stop-and-go marching, Kershaw's men simply
dropped to the ground and slept.
JULY 2, 1863
4:00 am-4:00 PM
As became evident the next morning, it really didn't matter how
fast the First Corps got to the field, because nobody was sure how to
deploy them. Plans for the day's offensive had been limping along since
about 5:00 the previous evening. Lee had encountered stiff resistance
from Longstreet, who wanted to swing the entire army south, positioning
it between Meade and Washington and thus winning the chance to fight on
ground of their own choosing. Lee had disagreed, saying: "If the enemy
is there tomorrow, we must attack them." Without support from
Longstreet, without his own army fully concentrated, without a clear
idea of the enemy's strength or concentration, plans had been made and
changed several times before Kershaw's men were up and ready to go at
4:00 on the morning of July 2.
Again at the head of McLaws Division, Kershaw headed south,
stopping about 500 yards from the Black Horse Tavern near Fairfield
Road. Meanwhile, McLaws had gone to find Lee and Longstreet. Lee
ordered McLaws to move his troops into a position perpendicular to the
Emmitsburg Road. They would be guided by Captain S.R. Johnson, who had
made a reconnaissance of the Union position early that morning.
Longstreet, standing nearby, finally lost his temper altogether.
Directly contradicting Lee, he told McLaws to position himself at a
right angle to the position Lee had just pointed out, and he absolutely
forbade McLaws to be lead by Johnson. Ignoring the outburst, Lee
repeated the orders and assigned Johnson not to McLaws, but Longstreet,
perhaps thinking Johnson should guide the entire First Corps into
position. Longstreet continued to drag his feet, and it wasn't until
12:00 p.m. that there was any significant movement by troops of the
First Corps.
Kershaw and his men waited 4-5 hours for instructions. Finally,
around 1:00 p.m., McLaws ordered them to move towards the enemy by
flank, following Marsh Creek and staying as much under cover as
possible. At the head of the division, Kershaw, with McLaws and Capt.
Johnson, lead the way to the south to the Black Horse Tavern, turning on
to a farm road connecting the tavern with Fairfield Road that lead
southeasterly towards Willoughby Run.
Unfortunately, Johnson was not as familiar with the topography
of the Confederate lines as he was with the Union lines. Trying to move
two divisions over Herr's Ridge to the heights at Emmitsburg Road
without being seen proved impossible. Kershaw's Brigade had just made
the turnoff when they came to a rise that could clearly be seen from the
Little Round Top signal station. So they halted. McLaws rode forward
with Johnson to examine the position, and McLaws rode back, said one of
Kershaw's men, "saying thing I would not like to teach my grandson to
repeat."
Longstreet soon appeared, and he and McLaws rode forward to
reconnoiter. "Very soon," Kershaw recalled, "these gentlemen returned,
both manifesting considerable irritation, as I thought." McLaws ordered
a countermarch to Black Horse Tavern. Then they moved north and west
along Herr's Ridge, and turning, worked their way east by crossing
fields. From there, they followed Willoughby Run to the crossroads by
Pitzer's School House. Beyond Pitzer's, the men could move more freely,
turning left at the crossroads and coming to a stop in a patch of woods
near the Peach Orchard.
At 3:00 p.m., Longstreet ordered Kershaw to attack the Union
line in the Peach Orchard, using the Emmitsburg Road as a pivot and
swinging his line to the left. This would roll up what Longstreet
presumed to be a weak Union presence in the field. Kershaw, not having
any reason to doubt the accuracy of Longstreet's assessment (or being in
any position to refuse even if he had doubts), accepted the order and
prepared his men to advance.
The head of Kershaw's column emerged from the woods by the Peach
Orchard at about 3:30 p.m. He found himself in an open field, behind a
low stone wall running from Flaherty's field eastward to Snyder's
field. Then he got his first look at what was in front of him.
"Here we were in full view of the Federal position. Their main line
appeared to extend from Little Round Top, where their signal flags were
flying, until it was lost to sight far away to the left. An advanced
line occupied the Peach Orchard, heavily supported from that point
toward our left along the Emmitsburg Road. The intervening ground was
occupied by open fields. interspersed and divided by stone walls. The
position just here seemed almost impregnable."
Esteemed member Heather K Peake
First of all....
But my duty today is open a discussion on Brig. Gen. Joseph
Brevard Kershaw and his activities on July 1 and 2. I'm posting this
in two parts because of its length. Despite its length, this is a
bare-bones version of Kershaw's story. For brevity's sake, I also
excluded discussing the Union position on July 2, although I hope we can
discuss this as well.
To my mind, Kershaw's experiences are an excellent illustration
of the difficulties faced by Confederate forces on July 2. When we get
into arguments about sunrise attacks and who-said-what-
when-to-whom-at-what-spot, I always need to remind myself that
indecisiveness at the top -- no matter whose fault it was -- had a very
real, frequently tragic, impact on men in the field.
For biographical info on Kershaw, Larry provided a really nice
post this weekend (thus saving me some typing!).
Joseph Kershaw carried a sterling reputation with him into
Pennsylvania. Forty-one, handsome, commanding, his division commander
Layfayette McLaws described him as "a very cool, judicious and gallant
gentleman." His brigade was composed of the 2nd, 3rd, 7th, 8th and 15th
South Carolina Infantry and the 3rd South Carolina Battalion ---
approx. 1,800 veteran men.
JULY 1, 1863
Kershaw's Brigade, as part of McLaws Division in Longstreet's
First Corps, had enjoyed a quiet invasion. On the night of June 30,
1863, the bulk of Longstreet's First Corps was bivouacked at Greenwood,
Pennsylvania, about 15 miles northeast of Gettysburg on the Chambersburg
Pike. Shortly after they arrived, word came to have the men prepare
three days worth of rations as early as possible the next day. This was
the first sign something big could be coming.
At 10:00 am on July 1, Longstreet ordered his corps to head for
Gettysburg. McLaws Division was in front, and Kershaw's brigade the
first in the column, so Kershaw's men were lined up early. They were
supposed to follow Johnson's Brigade, but Johnson's column was promptly
followed by Ewell's Corps wagon trains. With the battle at Gettysburg
not yet in full pitch, there was little urgency in getting fresh
infantry up, so McLaws was ordered to wait until Ewell's train passed,
wait an hour, then commence. The train turned out to be 14 miles long,
meaning the first wagons reached the burg while the last trains were
filing past Kershaw. It was 4 pm before Kershaw led off down the road.
Despite good roads and the relative cool of evening, it took 8
hours to
cover the 12 miles to GB. At 10:00 pm, Longstreet rode back and filled
McLaws in on events of the day, then personally led his troops to their
bivouac on Marsh Creek, just off the Cahmbersburg Pike. Exhausted by a
long day of waiting and stop-and-go marching, Kershaw's men simply
dropped to the ground and slept.
JULY 2, 1863
As became evident the next morning, it really didn't matter how
fast the First Corps got to the field, because nobody was sure how to
deploy them. Plans for the day's offensive had been limping along since
about 5:00 the previous evening. Lee had encountered stiff resistance
from Longstreet, who wanted to swing the entire army south, positioning
it between Meade and Washington and thus winning the chance to fight on
ground of their own choosing. Lee had disagreed, saying: "If the enemy
is there tomorrow, we must attack them." Without support from
Longstreet, without his own army fully concentrated, without a clear
idea of the enemy's strength or concentration, plans had been made and
changed several times before Kershaw's men were up and ready to go at
4:00 on the morning of July 2.
Again at the head of McLaws Division, Kershaw headed south,
stopping about 500 yards from the Black Horse Tavern near Fairfield
Road. Meanwhile, McLaws had gone to find Lee and Longstreet. Lee
ordered McLaws to move his troops into a position perpendicular to the
Emmitsburg Road. They would be guided by Captain S.R. Johnson, who had
made a reconnaissance of the Union position early that morning.
Longstreet, standing nearby, finally lost his temper altogether.
Directly contradicting Lee, he told McLaws to position himself at a
right angle to the position Lee had just pointed out, and he absolutely
forbade McLaws to be lead by Johnson. Ignoring the outburst, Lee
repeated the orders and assigned Johnson not to McLaws, but Longstreet,
perhaps thinking Johnson should guide the entire First Corps into
position. Longstreet continued to drag his feet, and it wasn't until
12:00 p.m. that there was any significant movement by troops of the
First Corps.
Kershaw and his men waited 4-5 hours for instructions. Finally,
around 1:00 p.m., McLaws ordered them to move towards the enemy by
flank, following Marsh Creek and staying as much under cover as
possible. At the head of the division, Kershaw, with McLaws and Capt.
Johnson, lead the way to the south to the Black Horse Tavern, turning on
to a farm road connecting the tavern with Fairfield Road that lead
southeasterly towards Willoughby Run.
Unfortunately, Johnson was not as familiar with the topography
of the Confederate lines as he was with the Union lines. Trying to move
two divisions over Herr's Ridge to the heights at Emmitsburg Road
without being seen proved impossible. Kershaw's Brigade had just made
the turnoff when they came to a rise that could clearly be seen from the
Little Round Top signal station. So they halted. McLaws rode forward
with Johnson to examine the position, and McLaws rode back, said one of
Kershaw's men, "saying thing I would not like to teach my grandson to
repeat."
Longstreet soon appeared, and he and McLaws rode forward to
reconnoiter. "Very soon," Kershaw recalled, "these gentlemen returned,
both manifesting considerable irritation, as I thought." McLaws ordered
a countermarch to Black Horse Tavern. Then they moved north and west
along Herr's Ridge, and turning, worked their way east by crossing
fields. From there, they followed Willoughby Run to the crossroads by
Pitzer's School House. Beyond Pitzer's, the men could move more freely,
turning left at the crossroads and coming to a stop in a patch of woods
near the Peach Orchard.
At 3:00 p.m., Longstreet ordered Kershaw to attack the Union
line in the Peach Orchard, using the Emmitsburg Road as a pivot and
swinging his line to the left. This would roll up what Longstreet
presumed to be a weak Union presence in the field. Kershaw, not having
any reason to doubt the accuracy of Longstreet's assessment (or being in
any position to refuse even if he had doubts), accepted the order and
prepared his men to advance.
The head of Kershaw's column emerged from the woods by the Peach
Orchard at about 3:30 p.m. He found himself in an open field, behind a
low stone wall running from Flaherty's field eastward to Snyder's
field. Then he got his first look at what was in front of him.
"Here we were in full view of the Federal position. Their main line
appeared to extend from Little Round Top, where their signal flags were
flying, until it was lost to sight far away to the left. An advanced
line occupied the Peach Orchard, heavily supported from that point
toward our left along the Emmitsburg Road. The intervening ground was
occupied by open fields. interspersed and divided by stone walls. The
position just here seemed almost impregnable."
Esteemed member Heather K Peake
(part 2 of 2)
Kershaw quickly sent word back to McLaws that there was a heavy Union
presence in the field. This came as a surprise to McLaws, whose recent
intelligence said there was only one or two regiments and a battery of
artillery in the area. He sent word back to Longstreet to ask if he
should modify Kershaw's orders.
While waiting for Longstreet's orders, McLaws moved his other brigades
into position. Semmes was positioned 200 yards to Kershaw's rear, on
the other side of Emmitsburg Road. Barksdale was positioned on
Kershaw's left, with Wofford in Barksdale's rear. Cabell's battalion of
artillery was at an angle to Kershaw's right, with Cabell's right
supported by Col. De Saussure's 15th S.C..
Longstreet refused to believe McLaws report of heavy Union
concentration in the field, saying "he was satisfied there was a small
force of the enemy in front" and that McLaws should "proceed at once
with an assault." Hood's Division moved to McLaws right with the
objective of gaining the enemy's left, and Kershaw was ordered to
commence his attack after Hood was engaged, swinging around the Peach
Orchard and trying to connect with Hood on his right. Hood was to sweep
down the Federal line "in a direction perpendicular to our line of
battle," said Kershaw. These orders came both in writing and verbally
from both McLaws and Longstreet.
Kershaw surveyed his position. Beyond the stone house which marked
their center-front, there was a marshy "morass," followed by a "stoney
hill, covered with heavy timber and thick undergrowth, interspersed with
bowlders [sic] and large fragments of rocks..." He chose the "stoney
hill" as his objective, "so as to strike it with my center and thus
attack the orchard on its left rear." He gave orders that on a
three-gun signal from Cabell's battery, his men were to jump the wall
and advance without further orders. He would personally lead the
brigade's right wing, composed of the 3rd and 7th S.C., while Col.
Kennedy would lead the left flank, the 2nd and 8th S.C. and the 3rd S.C.
Battalion. Officers would walk rather than ride, owing to the many
obstacles. At 4 p.m., the 3-gun signal went off, and the Carolinians
jumped the stone wall.
The advance went well at first. "General Longstreet accompanied me in
this advance on foot, as far as the Emmitsburg Road," and sent them on
with a shout and a wave of the hat. Facing only minor Federal
harassment, Kershaw's men marched into the field, formed up at Rose's
farm, and wheeled left towards the batteries in the Peach Orchard.
Here the first wave of Federal resistance hit them. Thirty guns opened
at once, cutting down hundreds of men along the way. Kershaw never
forgot the "clatter of grape" against the stone barn. One of his
privates later wrote: "O the awful deadly surging sounds of those little
black balls as they flew by us, through us, between our legs and over
us!"
Though individually devastating, the salvo did not stop Kershaw's
momentum. The Carolinians did not even stop to fire as they negotiated
the many stone outbuildings of Rose's farm. In the process, the 7th
S.C. "had lapped the 3rd a few paces," so when they reached the marshy
ground at the base of the hill, he ordered the 7th to halt and the 3rd
to pull off to the right, to untangle the units.
This move may have cause one of the afternoon's most tragic mistakes.
Kershaw's left, under Kennedy, was a short distance away. Perhaps
hearing only a portion of Kershaw's shouted orders, "the order was given
to move *by the right flank* by some unauthorized person." The three
regiments obediently turned right, away from the enemy guns. Union
artillery promptly decimated them. Within minutes, Kennedy lost 1/3 of
his force. Kershaw later mourned "[H]undreds of the bravest and best
men of Carolina fell, victims of this fatal blunder." The survivors
regrouped as quickly as possible, the 3rd Battalion and 8th S.C. joining
Barksdale's delayed attack on the Peach Orchard, and the 2nd S.C.
engaging batteries from a stand of trees at the base of the hill.
Kershaw would later say simply that he occupied the hill, but it was a
hard-fought victory. Taking artillery fire on his left and infantry
fire on his front, he lost four color-bearers before he even started up
the slope. Apparently the strength of his approach intimidated the two
Union brigades on the hill, because resistance suddenly melted away. At
the summit (such as it was) he began slowly moving north.
Kershaw had directed his left wing (the 3rd S.C.) to engage the
batteries on Wheatfield Road. While this was happening, he saw two
Union brigades on the approach, threatening his right. Kershaw ordered
the right thrown back to meet the threat, a move neatly accomplished by
Col. Elbert Bland of the 7th S.C. while Kershaw went back meet with
Semmes.
Semmes immediately moved his Georgians to reinforce Kershaw on the
hill, and Kershaw moved on to retrieve Col. De Saussure 15th S.C., which
had been ordered to stay with Cabell's artillery near Snyder's farm. De
Saussure fell mortally wounded as Kershaw approached, and the advance
was accomplished by Maj. William Gist.
Kershaw arrived back at the hill in time to see the 7th S.C. engaging
the enemy at a distance of just 200 yards, and doing so brilliantly.
"They were handsomely received and entertained by this veteran regiment,
which long kept them at bay in its front."
While the 7th S.C. held off Kelly's Irishmen and Zook's Germans,
Kershaw became concerned about a 100-foot gap between his right flank
and Semmes right. federals were ssteadily pushing their way into this
gap, folding the 7th's right back towards its left. Finally, the
Carolinians broke. Kershaw, unable to get the 2nd moved up to support,
ordered the 7th to retreat to Rose's farm.
The 3rd and Semmes 50th Georgia were the only Confederates left on the
hill. Assaulted by Federals on their front and both flanks, they too
were rapidly folded in half. Kershaw ordered the 3rd to retreat, and as
they were withdrawing, he saw a wonderful sight: Wofford's Brigade
"coming in splendid style." Kershaw's left wing had joined Wofford's in
this drive, and the 2nd joined Wofford's right. Soon, the Federals had
been pushed out of the Wheatfield. Kershaw regrouped and joined Wofford
as he advanced north toward Little Round Top.
The fighting was not finished for the day. At dusk, the Union made one
more move against the Confederate right. Forming on the north slope of
Little Round Top, the Federals charged and pushed the exhausted
Southerners back across the Wheatfield. Kershaw set up a defensive
line at Rose's Farm.
JULY 3 & BEYOND
Kershaw's Brigade was "unemployed" during the final day of battle and
retreated with the remainder of Lee's army on July 4-5.
After Gettysburg, he followed Longstreet to Tennessee, fighting at
Chickamauga and the Knoxville Campaign. He was with Longstreet the day
that general was wounded by his own troops at the Wilderness; Kershaw's
cry of "Friends!" probably saved the lives of several of Longstreet's
party. Kershaw fought at Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor, Cedar Creek and
Petersburg, only to be captured at Sayler's Creek on the retreat to
Appomattox. He was released from prison in August, 1865.
Returned to Camden, he regained his seat in the legislature in 1865,
eventually becoming president of the state senate. Later, he was
appointed judge in the 5th District. Ill health forced his
resignation. Appointed postmaster of Camden in 1893, he died on April
13, 1894 and was buried in Camden.
Kershaw never took part in the controversy over the management of July
2. He pointed out in a piece for Century Magazine that the individual
units fought well and quite gallently. What lost it for the
Confederacy, he said, was a lack of "coordination" and "cooperation"
between groups.
Somehow I lost the post, but wasn't someone asking about leaders in
Kershaw's brigade? Here's a sketch of Kershaw--as he approached
Gettysburg--that I did recently.
Joseph Kershaw was the embodiment of the Confederate
gentleman-turned-soldier ideal, a lawyer fromthe "Cradle of the
Rebellion," South Carolina. He was intelligent, literate, and dignified,
a man of high character in whose life religion had first place. Blond,
with light blue eyes, refined features and a resolute
expression, he was clean-shaven except for a drooping blond mustache. He
had the bearing of command and a clear voice that seemed to inspire
courage when it was raised in battle. "Gallant and pious," was how
division commander McLaws described him; "cool and judicious."
His father was several times mayor of Camden, S.C., and served a
term as a member of Congress. Young Joseph studied law and was admitted
to the bar in 1843. In addition to his law career Kershaw had
some military experience, having been a lieutenant with South Carolina's
"Palmetto Regiment" in the Mexican War. Later a member of the state
legislature and a member of his state's secession convention, he
raised a militia regiment which went into Confederate service as the 2nd
South Carolina regiment when the Civil War began.
Kershaw's regiment was present at Fort Sumter and First Manassas.
He had some rough edges early on--he annoyed commanding general
Beauregard after First Manassas by not filing a report with him and
instead writing an article for a South Carolina newspaper in which it
appeared that he had won the battle himself. Beauregard later referred
to him as "that militia idiot." Fortunately for Kershaw, Beauregard was
transferred away from the Virginia army, and in January 1862 Kershaw took
command of his brigade when the previous commander, General Bonham,
resigned in a huff over seniority matters. Two weeks later
Kershaw was promoted to brigadier general.
On the Peninsula the next summer, Kershaw led his brigade in action
at Williamsburg and again at Savage Station during the Seven Days'
Battles. In McLaws's official report after those battles, he wrote "I
beg leave to call attention to the gallantry, cool, yet daring, courage
and skill in the management of his gallant command exhibited by
Brigadier-General Kershaw." Thus there was already much expected of
Kershaw and and his men before the Maryland campaign in September, where
Kershaw's men forced Union soldiers off the critical Maryland Heights
before the capture of Harper's Ferry; some of the men had
to load and fire from positions where they had to use one arm to keep
from rolling down the mountainside. After the battle of Antietam at the
climax of that campaign, Kershaw was again highly praised by McLaws.
At Fredericksburg, Kershaw had his finest hour, reinforcing Thomas
Cobb's brigade behind the Stone Wall on Marye's Heights and taking
command of that embattled salient when Cobb was mortally wounded.
Leading his brigade on horseback, Kershaw emerged on the crest of the
hill a conspicuous and defiant target, seen and admired by thousands on
both sides. It was said later that when he reined in his horse, the
Yankees withheld their fire as if out of respect, and that Kershaw took
off his cap in acknowledgment before he disappeared behind the bastion of
the Stone Wall.
At Chancellorsville, for once, Kershaw was not heavily engaged.
Through all the army's battles, Kershaw showed an ability for quick
rational decisions. His division commander, McLaws, had complete faith
in him and his brigade, and he was much admired by his South
Carolinians. The official reports Kershaw wrote are graceful, literate,
and restrained. He was a man who passed through these hours of high
hazard with a calm center, never losing his dignity. His brigade was
always well put in, and Kershaw had never endangered his men rashly.
Later in the war, he would rise to command of the entire division,
proving himself to be one of the very few exceptions--along with Wade
Hampton and John B. Gordon--to Lee's rule that a division commander must
be a professionally trained soldier.
Larry Tagg
4:00 am-4:00 PM
Esteemed member ltagg@pacbell.net contributes: